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| | India's National Textbooks for the Future?
We have been told how the sentiments of self-proclaimed religious leaders have been taken into consideration in rewriting school history textbooks in India. What is obvious is that the first casualty of this rewriting has been truth.
Economic and Political Weekly December 21, 2002 Commentary National Textbooks for the Future? We have been told how the sentiments of self-proclaimed religious leaders have been taken into consideration in rewriting school history textbooks. What is obvious is that the first casualty of this rewriting has been truth. Presumably these so-called religious leaders do not include the quest for truth in their agenda. Neither does the National Council of Educational Research and Training. The case of the Class XI book on ancient India authored by Makkhan Lal. Kumkum Roy We have been reviewing textbooks that have been published by the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) for the past few months, and it is quite likely that we have reached a saturation point as far as interest in the issue is concerned. Yet, given the gravity of the situation, it is perhaps necessary to continue with the exercise, in order to draw attention to the serious problems that will arise if these books are recommended and used in schools. It is in this context that we need to scrutinise the Class XI book on ancient India authored by Makkhan Lal. We need to remember that these are books that will be used by students who consciously opt to study History at the Senior Secondary School level, some of whom will perhaps go on to study History in college and subsequently as well. It is these young men and women who will become History teachers in the next generation. Also, given past experience, one knows that NCERT books have often been used by students preparing for various competitive examinations. As such, what goes into them has widespread implications that cannot be overlooked. Some statements in the book are confusing, to say the least. I will cite just two instances. One, from page 11, informs us: “they [the British] were worried of the fact that British civilians were getting brahmanised and developing inferiority complex” (p 11). Elsewhere (p 32) we learn that “India is a country with vast variety of rich vegetation and congenial regular weather chain. It is most suited for human habitat. Conditions for population saturation resulting in mass human migrations are more probable here than in any other part of the world like central Asia or Europe.” It is perhaps our loss that we are unable to make sense of such ideas. Perhaps more worrisome are the inaccurate statements that have slipped into the book at a number of points. Once again, a handful of glaring examples must suffice. We learn on page 86 that “RigVedic society comprised four varnas, namely, Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra.” As I have pointed out elsewhere (‘Where Do We Go From Here?’ in Saffronised and Substandard: A Critique of the New NCERT Textbooks, SAHMAT, New Delhi, 2002, pp 25-38), there is only one reference to the fourfold varna order in the Rig Veda, in one verse out of more than 10,000, and to use this to suggest that society represented in the text was stratified along varna lines is simply inaccurate. It is not justified by any logic of historical reconstruction, but then perhaps we are naďve to expect such logic to operate. What we are up against is the logic of attributing as much antiquity and sanctity as possible to any institution that is regarded as valuable from a narrow, majoritarian, homogenising perspective. So the varna order has to be classified as early Vedic, even if the evidence cannot sustain such a claim. The second statement, on the same page, flows from similar concerns. “The Vedas prescribe a penalty of death or expulsion from the kingdom to those who kill or injure cows.” Once again, this is inaccurate, simply because the Vedas consist of mantras or prayers to the gods/goddesses. They are not normative texts, and do not prescribe punishments. But then, in the introduction to one of the most popular works on Vedic mathematics, we are told: It is the whole essence of his [Jagadguru Shankaracharya of Puri who “discovered” Vedic mathematics] assessment of Vedic tradition that it is not to be approached from a factual standpoint but from the ideal standpoint, viz, as the Vedas, as traditionally accepted in India as the repository of all knowledge, should be and not what they are in human possession. That approach entirely turns the tables on all critics, for the authorship of Vedic mathematics then need not be laboriously searched in the texts preserved from antiquity. [italics in the original, General Editor’s Note, p vi, to Vedic Mathematics by Jagadguru Swami Sri Bharati Krsna Tirthaji Maharaja Sankaracarya of Govardhana Matha Puri, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi]. We also learn (pp xxix-xxx): Revered Guruji used to say that he had reconstructed the sixteen mathematical formulae (given in this text) from the Atharvaveda after assiduous research and ‘Tapas’ for about eight years in the forests surrounding Sringeri. Obviously these formulae are not to be found in the present recensions of Atharvaveda; they were actually reconstructed, on the basis of intuitive revelation, from materials scattered here and there in the Atharvaveda. …In 1957, when he had decided finally to undertake a tour of the USA he re-wrote from memory the present volume, giving an introductory account of the sixteen formulae reconstructed by him. As such, we should not be surprised that the term Veda can be used to mean just about anything. Such attempts to redefine ‘Vedic’ could have been dismissed as harmless eccentricities in most situations. But, as we have seen in Jhajjar, people can lose their lives if they are thought to have been guilty of killing cows, and it is in that context that we need to ensure that such statements do not go unchallenged. It is perhaps worth recalling what H D Sankalia, recognised for long as the father of Indian archaeology, said with respect to the cow: The ban on cow slaughter is indeed of comparatively recent growth, mostly as a reaction against Islam rather than genuine, real love and reverence for the cow. ...From some 3000BC to C700 BC, man in India, as elsewhere in the world, continued to prefer beef to all other forms of animal diet...What the cow/ox in India needs today is good treatment – wholesome food, and fodder and water, and freedom from exploitation by the Hindus at all levels. Their reverence for the cow is always superficial. This was noticed and recorded by the authors of the Bhagavata Purana and the Ramayana centuries ago and regarded as one of the symptoms of the Kali Yuga! The Kali Yuga has increased in its intensity and so also the exploitation of the cow. It is against this exploitation that we must all strive, not for a blanket prohibition of go-vadha. (‘The Cow in History’, Seminar, 1968.) What is alarming is the scant regard for truth that has accompanied the rewriting of history in the name of updating antiquated scholarship. Another instance of tampering with evidence occurs on page 90. Here we learn that “Indra is known as Purandara, ‘Lord of Cities’”. This is a shocking travesty of Vedic Sanskrit. It is true that there are several references to Indra, one of the most important gods of the Vedic pantheon, as Purandara in the Rig Veda. But the term purandara means destroyer of pura, and not lord of cities. Pura itself might mean a settlement, perhaps fortified, and not necessarily a city. The only way in which one can arrive at the sense of lord of cities is by replacing d by dh, and creating a term purandhara that does not occur in the Rig Vedic mantras. But clearly, the devotees of Indra will stop at nothing to achieve their ends. And why must Indra become the lord of cities? Well, the Harappan civilisation is by any standards urban, and if it has to be claimed as Vedic, then Indra, as one of the chief gods of the Vedic pantheon, and as a warlike, valorous hero figure, has to be urbanised. What better than a simple sleight of tongue, replacing one consonant by another? So, while on the one hand lip-service continues to be paid to the sanctity of the Vedas, on the other hand, Vedic mantras and words can be transformed to suit present-day agendas. Consider certain other problems with the book. Let us look at the definition of the Dharmasutras (p18). The Dharmasutras and the Smritis are rules and regulations for the general public and the rulers. It can be termed in the modern concept as the constitution and the law books for the ancient Indian polity and society. Such parallels between modern and ancient institutions and practices were frequently drawn by nationalist historians in the early twentieth century, when there was a preoccupation with trying to find parallels for modern institutions in the past. However, in the twentyfirst century, and after more than 50 years of independence, we should be able to move beyond such strategies, which were not necessarily accurate, and acknowledge historical change instead of constructing a picture of a changeless past by all means, fair and foul. Notice also that equating the Constitution with the Dharmasutras obscures and denies the very different histories that have gone into the production of these documents. The Constitution emerged through a process of intense discussion and debate, which is part of our democratic heritage. The Dharmasutras and Smritis, on the other hand, are primarily brahmanical documents and need to be understood as such. A related problem is the way in which this perspective leads to constructing a picture of uniformity, one that runs counter to the rich diversity of developments in ancient India that have been documented over the last few decades. We read, for instance, on page 35 Although there always had been many states in India but their social and cultural setup had been broadly the same throughout. Sanskrit was the most respected language besides the local languages. States were administered and governed on the basis of law-books called Dharmasastras. Places of worship and pilgrimage are distributed throughout the country. These cultural bonds gave the Indians a sense of unity and nationality. It is worth examining the implications of this statement, which in fact constitutes one of the running themes of the book. The only diversity that is acknowledged is that of different political powers. Social change is brushed aside and the fact that we have histories of the spread, modification and change in the varna/jati system would be impossible to accommodate within this framework. Linguistic diversity is likewise suppressed. Students would not be allowed to examine the implications of the fact that the earliest inscriptions (including those of the Mauryan ruler Asoka) are primarily in Prakrit, and not in Sanskrit and that the Dharmasastras may have had little or no significance for the Mauryan administration (and those of many other polities) for instance. The fact that the institution of pilgrimage has a history of its own would not be focused on and the fact that nationality is a modern notion would be lost on students who would be taught that it existed from time immemorial. And what about pedagogical strategies? Sadly, the book abounds in statements that are simple assertions, designed to encourage rote learning. Read the following paragraph, (p 84) which is inserted to suggest that the Vedas are of great antiquity: Bal Gangadhar Tilak, on astronomical grounds, dated Rig Veda to 6000 BC. According to Harmon Jacobi Vedic civilisation flourished between 4500 BC and 2500 BC and some of the Samhitas were composed in the latter half of the period. Famous Sanskritist, Winternitz felt that the Rig Veda was probably composed in the third millennium BC. R K Mookerjee opined that “on a modest computation, we should come to 2500 BC as the time of Rig Veda”. G C Pande also favours a date of 3000 BC or even earlier. What, if anything, does this tell us about the logic of dating texts? The student will have half a dozen names to remember but little insight into a serious historical problem. To add to the confusion, we have a sentence on page 92 that states “there are other scholars who consider Vedic culture as different from that of the Harappan civilisation.” If we look for any understanding of why they suggest this, we will be disappointed. Finally, it may be worth considering what happens with four issues that have been marginalised from standard histories. One would have expected that in a new history written in the twentyfirst century, these issues would have found some space. But that is not to be. The first issue that we can consider is the treatment of regions, and I will simply focus on the treatment of Tamilakam, the ancient Tamil region. On page 153 we find a map of south India, where Gangaikondacholapuram and Tanjavur are listed as sites of the Sangam Age. Obviously, chronology has been sacrificed. There is a discrepancy of several centuries between the Sangam Age and the period of the later Chola rulers when these settlements emerged as important urban centres, but then, perhaps from the perspective of the author, notions of time are generally irrelevant for regional history. It is also worth looking at the treatment of the tradition of Bhakti in the text. The Alvars are referred to as Vaisnava saints on page 193, they become Vaisnava devotees on page 199 and finally on page 229 we learn that “The Bhakti movement led by Nayanars (Saiva saint) and Alvars (Vaisnava saint) spread all over the country. These saints went from place to place carrying their message of love and devotion.” Which of these three statements is the student to accept? Clearly, time, space and factual accuracy are trivial matters when reconstructing regional histories. And this is the case of a region whose history has been amongst the best researched in the last few decades. It may also be useful to see what happens with issues of gender. Women pop in and out of the pages of the book occasionally, in connection with inheritance, where we are told that they could inherit in the absence of “male issues” (p 96) or if they were the only child of their parents (p 86), a situation that is portrayed as being virtually constant (p 160, p 226). None of the concerns with engendering history that have been raised in the last three decades find space in the book. If we expect to find discussions about women in connection with other matters, including their roles in production, or in alternative religious traditions such as Buddhism and Jainism, we will be disappointed. Perhaps more intriguing is the treatment of the concept of ‘tribe’. Clearly, this has become a dirty word, to be scrupulously eschewed. This may have to do with the fact that ‘tainted’ scholars such as R S Sharma had suggested “that the social formation represented in Vedic literature could best be understood in terms of the category of a tribal society in transition. In the present book, the only reference to tribe occurs in the context of the Kusanas (p 145) who are connected with central Asian tribes. There is also an illustration of tribal coins on page 142, but beyond that the student would be left in the dark about the possibility of tribal societies existing in the past. In other words, tribal populations will now be denied a past and will perhaps figure as a figment of the imagination of Christian missionaries, if at all. It is also worth examining what happens to the question of untouchability. This almost surfaces twice in the book: once, on page 97, in the context of the later Vedic period, when we learn that “The most glaring evil of the jati system, namely, the concept of untouchability had not yet reared its ugly head”. Then we suddenly stumble on some remarkable information on page 225. “The transformation of a specific profession into jati and the increasing phenomenon of hypergamous unions between different jati led to the rise of mixed jati. Jatis were also formed on the basis of religious sects such as lingayats, virasaivas, svetambaras, and digambaras, etc. The lowest were the antyajatis of whom Chandalas are the most important representatives.” Does this tell us anything at all about the oppressions associated with caste, and how these affected the lives of vast sections of people? And do our children have a right to know and understand these issues? One is left wondering whether women, dalits, tribals are part of the nation or not, or whether the nation is envisaged as an upper caste, brahmanical construct, centred on the Ganga valley. Surely, the National Council of Educational Research and Training has some responsibilities to discharge towards the vast majority in the country. We have been hearing about how the sentiments of self-proclaimed religious leaders have been taken into consideration in rewriting History. What is obvious is that the first casualty of this rewriting has been truth. Presumably, these so-called religious leaders do not include the quest for truth in their agenda. Neither does the NCERT. It is in this context that it is absolutely essential that many more of us engage in what has been called the battle of the books. We need to intervene in as many ways as possible, as parents, teachers, concerned citizens of the country, to ensure that future generations of school-going children learn histories that move beyond a preoccupation with dynastic vicissitudes, and can be equipped to understand and intervene in an increasingly complicated social scenario.
Know the Truth Historical Controversy Author: Dr. Anand Deep Published on: December 10, 2001 The controversy began when government’s move to amend certain school level history textbooks became public. On November 23, Minister of State for Human Resource Development, Rita Verma, informed the upper house of parliament that four history textbooks were found to contain “factual errors, biases and coloration.’ Steps were being taken to correct them. Objectionable references had been found in renowned historian Romila Thapar's book Ancient India' prescribed for Class VI and Ram Sharan Sharma's 'Ancient India' prescribed for Class XI students. Two other textbooks, one by Arjun Dev and Indira Dev prescribed for class XI, and another by Satish Chandra on medieval India contained objectionable matter. According to the minister, these books were guilty of hurting the sentiments of religious minorities and cultural communities. The National Council for education research and Training (NCERT) has been entrusted with the task of preparing refined textbooks without such objectionable matter. These new books would be ready for the next academic year. The Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) has directed schools across India to delete objectionable portions and ensure that they are not taught or discussed in classes with immediate effect. All these historians are highly respected in the academic community for their calibre. Their books have been in the syllabus for as long as four decades. Romila Thapar’s is on the scene since 1966 with a revision in 1987. Therefore, the charge of hurting sentiments appeared rather late. Let us look at some of the text objectionable to our present government: “For special guests beef was served as a mark of honour” (Class VI, Romila Thapar) “Cattle wealth slowly decimated because cows and bullocks were killed in numerous Vedic sacrifices … the brahmanical reaction began as a result of the policy of Ashoka. He... derided superfluous rituals performed by women. This naturally affected the income of the Brahmanas.” (Class XI, R S Sharma) “Archaeological evidence should be considered far more important than long family trees given in the Puranas. The Puranic tradition could be used to date Rama of Ayodhya around 2000 BC, but extensive excavations in Ayodhya do not show any settlements around that date.” (R.S Sharma) “Jats founded their state at Bharatpur from where they conducted plundering raids in the regions around.” (Class VIII, Arjun Dev and Indira Arjun Dev) “In 1675, Guru Tegh Bahadur was arrested and executed. The official explanation for this... is that after his return from Assam, the Guru, in association with one Hafiz Adam, resorted to plundering and raping, laying waste the whole province of Punjab.” (Class XI, Satish Chandra) The problem with these passages is that they attack a sanctified image of Hinduism. Hindus are known to worship the cow. Reference to beef-eating and cow slaughter for Vedic rituals leaves a feeling of discomfort. A pro-Hindu government lead by the BJP and guided by aggressive Hindu organisations like the Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangha cannot tolerate such remarks. The last two passages referring to Jaats being marauders and the Sikh guru plundering and raping too is highly objectionable to the two communities respectively. In all, the total number of pages to be deleted from these textbooks is just sixteen. The key questions to ask in this context are two. Firstly, if these references have stayed in textbooks for four decades, then how did they become suddenly objectionable? So objectionable that they demand immediate deletion? Secondly, if these references truly offend the sentiments of communities, then why should anyone come in the way of their removal? We might ask a third question. Are these references as well as their removal based on historical evidence? Or is the government erasing them merely on account of sentimental problems? As government’s intention became public, the opposition immediately launched an attack. The congress, Samajvadi party and the Communists alleged that the government was attempting to rewrite history with a Hindu leaning. The opposition alleged that education was being saffronised. Saffronisation is the Hindu equivalent of talibanisation. Congress leader Arjun singh went as far as stating that BJP was Talibanising education, which would not be tolerated. Ultimately, Congress spokesman Jaipal Reddy put the whole issue in perspective. The opposition is not against a review of history textbooks. However, textbooks must be reviewed systematically and transparently by acknowledged historians. The opposition is not against change. It is the manner of such change that has sparked the controversy. Motivated rewriting of history textbooks is dangerous. The ruling party on the other hand feels that history as it is being taught today is prejudiced against Hinduism. It ridicules Hindu culture. Such partial history needs corrections. As the Prime minister himself stated that if history is one sided, it must be changed. The academic community too got submerged in the controversy. NCERT is under a contractual obligation to obtain prior permission from the author before deleting portions from his textbook. None of the historians were consulted on this occasion. NCERT chief Prof. JS Rajpoot (a physicist) clearly states that he did not find it necessary to consult these four historians as they are not the only historians in India. He refused to disclose the names of those who are reviewing the books thereby making room for speculation that RSS activists are doing the job. Moreover, how can you ensure that a particular topic shall not be discussed in the classroom. Are we getting ready for a Taliban style thought police in the future? In fact, the government has ensured widespread publicity to a topic of little interest by its action. These passages are all over the media thanks to this controversy. Academics feel that BJP is promoting a communal interpretation of history. Everything positive in India occurred during Hindu rule. Muslims and British only destroyed India. Achievements during this era are to be erased and seen only in a negative light. The effort is similar to that of Pakistani historians who delinked themselves from India and somehow attached themselves directly to the Middle East. According to Bipan Chandra, it’s a sinister effort to communalise young minds. Romila thapar objected to NCERT’s claim that it had received 50000 complaints against these textbooks. If such complaints were received, then where are they? To sum up, academics on one hand feel that it is a political move to bend history in favour of party ideology. RSS workers on the other hand justify this move on the ground that they are correcting earlier leanings of history duly promoted by congress people. To conclude, wisdom lies in taking history out of a myth and fantasy syndrome. Young school children must be taught professionally. Give them both views and let them debate on the basis of context. Politicians and political organisations must never treat history as their handmaid. Humanity has seen such good historians. Why can’t we have a nice history? Source http://www.suite101.com/article.cfm/12355/86895 Perversion of History Text Books: Perversion of History Text Books: Judiciary to the Rescue? M. S. Rahi* * M.A. LL.M., Ph.D. (Law) Advocate, 2040 Sector 21-C, Chandigarh. The question of the future of Sikhism and the Sikhs has once again assumed primal importance. That, too, immediately after the celebrations of the tercentenary of the Khalsa with great fanfare. The historic event, instead of showing the strength of the Sikhs and their religion, projected their weaknesses. The opponents, sensing this, renewed their attacks on the distinct identity of the Sikhs, without foreseeing the consequences for Indian society. The values on which the constitutional Indian polity is based are being eroded. The cultural pluralism of India is under attack - and the Sikhs are at risk. Freedom of Religious Practice: It is not just the outwearing of the Sikhs, which makes them distinct. The claim of the Sikhs to distinct identity is primarily based on their attitude to life - to live with self-respect, paying whatever price has to be paid for that, and ultimately martyrdom, if that has to be embraced in consonance with the high principles of Sikhism as laid down by the founder of Sikhism - die fighting, and no submission to injustice. That is the history of the Sikhs as established by Guru Nanak by his passionate rebuff to Mughal invader Babar, followed by Guru Arjun and Guru Teg Bahadur by their principled martyrdom, and by the spirited fight given by Guru Hargobind and Guru Gobind Singh against the brutal attacks on the Sikhs by the Mughal emperors Jahangir and Aurangzeb. The Sikhs triumphed as long as they followed the principles of Sikhism. Whenever they departed from principles they suffered and failed. That is why a serious attempt is being made to distort the distinctive features of Sikh history, to make them forget their true legacy. Unknown to most Sikhs they are being robbed of the distinctive features of their history and culture. The glorious edifice of Sikhism, which the Sikh Gurus had raised with their sweat and blood, is being dismantled brick by brick. Distortion: The few instances are from the recent happenings, and from the legal fight which has been going on for last more than five years. The legal fight has now reached the Supreme Court of India. All these instances have long-range consequences, harming the future of the Sikhs and Sikhism. Distortions in History: that Guru Gobind Singh "served" to support Bahadur Shah: A major distortion of Sikh History concerns Guru Gobind Singh. It is claimed that Guru Gobind Singh, after his long struggle against the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, joined the army of emperor Bahadur Shah. This innocuous looking statement was inserted in "Modern India - A History Textbook for Class XII". The thought behind this single line, if magnified, has the potential of putting the whole history of Sikhism upside down. It gives rise to multiple questions and doubts. The personality of Guru Gobind Singh, his vision of life, and the purpose of his long struggle against injustice and persecution stand questioned. A modern Indian historian, Prof. Bipin Chandra of Jawahar Lal Nehru University, has cut the great personality of Guru Gobind Singh - unparalleled in courage and determination - to a petty size. The argument given by the authorities of NCERT is that they wish to develop a "scientific temper" and inquisitive curiosity among the young students. However, a young student of class XII of a school in Chandigarh could not stomach this strange "scientific temper" in April 1995. He innocently revolted against such writing, and stood up against his teacher for this untruth being taught in the class. This gave rise to litigation in the High Court, and the Govt. of India and its agencies strongly defended this modern version of Guru Gobind Singh’s personality. When questioned in the court, they miserably failed to substantiate such an untrue statement. The author, from sheer fear, did not even put an appearance in the court. The Honorable Chief Justice of Punjab and Haryana High Court, Justice R. P. Sethi (Now Judge of the Supreme Court of India) wrote in his historic judgment like this: "The State is under a Constitutional obligation to preserve and protect the interests of Sikh community. While protecting their interests, the respondent/ authorities are under an obligation to refrain from becoming a party to such controversial writing, which may ultimately hurt the feelings of Sikhs community as a whole or a part of it. The writings about religious Gurus cannot be permitted to be justified on the basis of disputed and debatable historical truths, lest it may destroy the very secular fabric of the Constitution." Official Arrogant: However, in spite of such a judgment, the government of India and its instrumentality, the NCERT, did not delete the objectionable remarks from the history textbook. Two more editions of the book were published. Then a contempt petition against the director of the NCERT was filed in October 1998. At first, the Director refused to receive the summons of the Court. Ultimately, the personal service was ordered to be effected by the court. K. K. Gopalan was served in his office. However, later on, an application was moved that K. K. Gopalan had retired in 1993 much earlier to the filing of the writ petition itself. Many other small legal tricks were played in order to harass the petitioners. When finally cornered in the court, the Director of NCERT produced the book in the court after deleting the objectionable remarks in July 1999. The lesson is that the objectionable remarks were not due to any inadvertence, but the result of a deep-rooted conspiracy and planning to distort the History of the Sikhs with a definite purpose. Guru Teg Bahadur: Disturber of Peace in Punjab? The second instance is more serious. The personality of all the Sikh Gurus has been put under a black shadow. It has been written in the book, "Medieval India" - A History Textbook for Class XI, written by Prof. Satish Chandra of Jawahar Lal University, claiming to be another doyen of modern Indian History. He writes, "The struggle of the Sikh Gurus against the Mughal emperors was personal and political rather than religious". He further writes that "the reasons of martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur are not clear... but Persian sources tell us that Guru Teg Bahadur had joined hands with one Hafiz Adam and used to create disturbances in Punjab". The writer forgets that Guru Teg Bahadur of history and Guru Teg Bahadur of Sikh religion cannot be two different personalities. Guru Teg Bahadur’s ‘bani’ as enshrined in Guru Granth Sahib is the symbol of his deep spirituality. It is also a fact of history that Guru Teg Bahadur is one of the earliest expounders of the human rights movement - said to be a modern phenomenon. He himself not being a Hindu, opposed to Bahramical teachings, even then gave his life to defend the rights of his ideological opponents - an act unique in the history of the world. But, what Dr Satish Chandra has written - to be taught in the Schools of India about Guru Teg Bahadur - is a travesty of truth to the memory of great Guru - said to be "sheet anchor of the honour of India" (Hind di chaader). The Government of India and the NCERT were requested to delete the objectionable remarks against the Sikh Gurus. But instead of considering the request of the petitioners as directed by the High Court, the petitioners received a very curt reply from one, Professor Arjun Dev, Dean (Academic) NCERT, saying "the petition betrays a total lack of even elementary understanding on the part of the petitioners of the academic discipline of history and the academic debates among historians. The statement regarding Aurangzeb’s policy of religious intolerance and persecution to convert people of other religions to Islam are highly simplistic. The allegations made against the text book were without any foundation and reflected a lack of understanding of the contents of this text book as well as of the entire trend of historical researches and studies, in the history of Medieval India over the past many decades". The petitioners were totally dismayed and were unable to understand how the established fact of Sikh history could be changed without any cogent evidence. They were left with no remedy except to further pursue the matter in the High Court. It is strange that Government of India and its agencies raised an objection in the writ petition that the use of the Judiciary and the Constitution by the petitioners is "perverse" for defending their rights regarding distortions of their history. They have said that the Constitution is not meant for such purpose. The Division Bench admitted the writ petition, with specific directions for a hearing on 7-12-1998, keeping in view the seriousness of the subject involved. Unfortunately, the Writ petition was not heard, and all pleas to grant the stay against the publication of the new edition of the book were rejected with the remarks that the petitioners raised a question of fact only, whereas the petitioners had specifically prayed that their fundamental rights under Article 25 and 29 (1) were being violated. In a para of the application it was written, "that it had become a public knowledge that the distorted history, with objectionable remarks against the Sikh Gurus, is being taught through the disputed book". Even Arun Shourie, in his recent book, has specifically pointed out that distorted history has been written in the book Medieval India - A history textbook of Class-XI. "there was no atmosphere of confrontation between the Sikhs and the Mughal rulers during this period," says Satish Chandra. "Nor was there any systematic persecution of the Hindus, and hence, no occasion for the Sikhs or any group or sect to stand forth as the champion of the Hindus against religious persecution. The occasional conflict between the Gurus and the Mughal rulers was personal and political rather than religious. Despite some display of orthodoxy by Shah Jahan at the beginning of his reign and a few acts of intolerance, such as the demolition of ‘new’ temples, he was not narrow in his outlook, which was further tempered towards the end of his reign by the influence of his liberal son, Dara." That being the case, what do these eminent historians have to say about what is enshrined in the Granth Sahib.... the account not of some merely eminent historian but of Guru Nanak., of what Guru Nanak had been witness to? Let us hear these eminent secularists, then, declare that this plea of Guru Nanak was a concoction! Unfortunately, no notice was taken of such historic facts. The Letters Patent Appeal was filed against that order in February 2000, but the Letters Patent Bench dismissed the appeal without deciding the real issues raised in the appeal. The Petitioners pleaded that the objectionable remarks cannot be allowed to be made part of the school history textbook, and the government machinery cannot be allowed to denigrate the personalities of the Sikh Gurus, and violate the fundamental rights of the Sikhs. A review petition was filed against that order, as there were many apparent mistakes on the face of the order. It was specifically mentioned in the review petition "that in face of the resolutions of the World Sikh Council, signed by a former judge of the Supreme Court of India, Chief Khalsa Diwan, SGPC and Institute of Sikh Studies, affidavits of two eminent historians, prominent writers, one former Chief Justice of this Hon’ble High Court, all disputing the correctness of the facts as mentioned in the impugned paragraph of the book, it cannot be said by the NCERT, or accepted, that the textbook is an unbiased account of the Historical events and does not cast any aspersion on the Sikh Gurus. The contradiction between the impugned write-up in the book and the affidavit of Satish Chandra, the author of the textbook, at page number 90 of the paperbook, is obvious when he says, "it is my understanding that Guru Teg Bahadur refused to compromise with his cherished religious beliefs and gave up his life in defending them. He stands as a fighter against injustices of all types. His mission was taken up after his death by his son and successor Guru Gobind Singh". Then why the long struggle of the Sikh Gurus against the Mughal emperors has been presented in the impugned para as ‘political and personal rather than religious’, and Guru Teg Bahadur is shown as creating "disturbances in the Punjab"? It is difficult to reconcile these two opinions of the author himself. It is also not understandable what more aspersions can be cast upon the Sikh Gurus by the author in the impugned textbook." However, the Learned Judges dismissed the review petition with a cryptic order - "no merit: dismissed". The matter has been taken to the Supreme Court of India by filing a Special Leave Petition, which is still pending. Perversion: Another case also reveals strange facts. A representation was given to the Chief Minister, Punjab in 1998, regarding objectionable remarks against the Sikh Gurus in a book, "Aurangzeb Aur Hinduon ke Saath Samband" by Akhilesh Jayswal and Dr. (Mrs.) Rita Joshi, Professor Medieval History, Allahabad University. The Chief Minister referred the matter to the Advocate General Punjab, for legal opinion. There, one Learned Additional Advocate General, after going through the contents of the book reached the conclusion, "the whole story has been maliciously concocted by them to malign and defame the Sikh Gurus and the Sikh community. Provocative remarks translated from the book which fall within the mischief of Section 295A of I.P.C. are given as under, "...The Sikh Gurus who succeeded Guru Nanak, said good-bye to spiritualism and climbed down to mundane considerations, they indulged in active politics ad collected tithe.... In truth, Guru Teg Bahadur of his own volition wanted to get himself killed as there was an acute tussle for the Gaddi, Guruship, and there were serious bickering and disunity among the Sikhs. The Guru wanted to get himself killed so that his sacrifice could bring unity among the Sikhs and the organizations could become strong and healthy. Obviously, Aurangzeb was not even remotely, responsible for the death of Guru Teg Bahadur and to bring a charge of murder of the Guru against Aurangzeb is a gross injustice to Aurangzeb." However, the learned Addl. Advocate General gave gratuitous opinion that "before a final decision is taken in the matter, a thoughtful consideration be given to the fact that peace in Punjab has come after lot of turmoil. In the present circumstances, peace is very fragile. Sometime issues though genuine should be ignored as they may not only raise unsavory controversy but may add fuel to the fire". Apathy: It seems that the Punjab government after ‘thoughtful consideration’ decided to compromise the honour of the Sikh Gurus with the ‘fragile peace in Punjab’! The law of the land was not put into operation to bring guilty to the book, and due to this reason, other such writers may feel encouraged to write much more malicious and false things about the Sikh Gurus and spoil peace in the whole country in the times to come. The history of these cases reveals how serious matters pertaining to the honour and dignity of the Sikh Gurus are being taken casually by the concerned authorities. Right to Wear Kirpan at the mercy of Police: The other case pending in the High Court is regarding the fundamental right of wearing and carrying of Kirpans, as per the Article 25 of the Constitution of India. In 1985, the Union Territory of Chandigarh issued instructions not to allow persons carrying any kind of weapon on their person, to enter the premises of the High Court. One Harbans Singh Ghuman, a veteran Akali leader and former M.L.A. who is a "baptized" Sikh, was stopped from entering the building of the High Court. The argument with the officer on duty was of no avail. The provisions of the Constitution of India allowing the Sikhs to wear and carry Kirpans, deemed included in the profession of Sikh religion, did not carry any weight with the officer. In sheer desperation, Ghuman filed a writ petition No. 2164 of 1985, challenging those unconstitutional instructions. The Division bench admitted the writ petition to full bench on 13-05-1985. When the matter was placed before the full bench of three judges, they further referred the matter to the full bench of five judges. Since then many full benches have been constituted, but this short matter has not been decided so far. The Union Territory in its reply made strange submissions; it is alleged in their submission that "there is no way of distinguishing between a Amritdhari and non-Amritdhari Sikh... It is the duty of every truly religions man to help in the maintenance of public order. Nothing done in the interest of public order can be said to be breach of tenets of any religion". This case also shows the attitude of the authorities towards the fundamental rights of the Sikhs, which are enshrined in the Constitution of India. The Indian Airlines has also issued such type of instructions. The innocent Amritdhari Sikhs are harassed and humiliated at public places. What should the Sikhs do in such circumstances? Follow the command of their Guru, insist on the provisions of the Constitutions, or follow the instructions of the authorities in the name of "public order"? The controversy deserves to be resolved at the earliest. Memorial to Guru Nanak: The other case that deserves mention is of possession of the land for the purpose of constructing Guru Nanak memorial at Jagannath Puri. Incidentally, Puri on the coast of Orissa, was hallowed by Guru Nanak’s first Udasi in 1497 AD, where Guru Nanak had recited the hymn, ‘Gagan mein thaal....Kaisi aarti hoi’, which is part of Guru Granth Sahib. There is no Gurdwara or any kind of memorial, reminding the people of the historical importance of Guru Nanak’s visit to Puri. Whatever little is there, is in the possession of Udasis, more in the form of a temple than a Gurdwara. In 1993, Guru Nanak Universal Brotherhood Society was formed with the aim of raising Guru Nanak’s memorial at Puri; and after relentless efforts of five years, a small piece of land was secured from the Orissa government on lease of Rs.6.35 lacs. Only possession was to be delivered. The society spent lacs of rupees in pursuing the case, and preparing the site plans, and a unique model of the memorial in the shape of IKONKAR, first of its own kind. All documents and plans were submitted to the concerned authorities. Then suddenly a letter was received from the office of the Collector, Puri on 26.10.99, saying. "The Collector has been pleased to drop the alienation case no. 35/97 for the time being due to want of clearance from security point of view." When the society represented, having paid Rs. 11000 to CM’s Relief Fund for the victims of super-cyclone, it was decided, at the highest level, to hand over the possession of the site in favour of the Society for constructing a Memorial celebrating Guru Nanak’s stay in Puri, it is not understandable, what kind of security problems arose in constructing the memorial. Thereupon, the Collector, Puri on 15.04.2000, gave personal hearing. But after that, nothing has been heard from the concerned authorities. The Sikhs as a distinctive minority have to keenly watch the changing social and legal scenario, because their destiny is intimately connected with the fast changes taking place around them. They would have to think: Are all these changes in history deliberate? Serious minded Sikhs should sometime get up at ambrosial hours, as ordained by the Guru, and after remembrance of the name of Almighty, also think; from where they have come and where they are going or being made to go? What would be the destiny of the coming generations of the Sikhs? The answers are not easy to find in a society governed by the principle of majoritinarism. But submit to injustice is against the principles of Sikhism and against the teachings of Guru Nanak; to live with dignity under all circumstances. For a life of dignity, the Sikhs have to redesign their conduct in the light of the teachings of the Gurus and the glorious traditions of Sikh history. Determined persistence to keep alive the pristine glory of Sikhism on the part of the Sikhs is the only way out. The parameters of Fundamental Rights, as defined in the constitution of India, should not be transgressed with such impunity. Source : http://www.sikhreview.org/july2001/pers1.htm Know your value about NCERT controversy Know your value about NCERT controversy
Author: K R Malkani Publication: Hindustan Times Dat Nov. 29, 2001 Recently, the NCERT produced the National Curriculum Framework for School Education. Here was, in the words of NCERT Director J.S. Rajput, "the first ever honest attempt to modernise education by upholding not only the deepest but forgotten values of Indian civilisation, but also the sagely advice of the founding fathers of our nation". But without waiting for the curriculum to be actually developed, some friends promptly dubbed the changes as 'saffronisation' and even rubbished it as 'Talibanisation'. Incidentally, why should anybody be allergic to saffron? It is a colour sacred not only to Indians but also to Arabs. The Congress Flag Committee had unanimously recommended a saffron flag in place of the tricolour in 1931. And its members included Nehru, Patel and Azad. It is good to note that former Justice V.R. Krishna Iyer, who had earlier associated himself with the critics, has in a letter to the HRD minister said, "I drop my criticism of the NCERT stand." The Congress chief minister of Kerala, A.K. Antony, has condemned the misuse of the term 'saffronisation' and said, "Saffron is a symbol of Indianness." He added: "By using and misusing the word off and on, we are hurting the religious sentiments of Hindus." Congress Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, Digvijay Singh, has said that astrology is a science and there is nothing wrong in teaching it. And he is an engineer by training and profession. Objection has been taken to 'Vedic mathematics'. Now there is no mathematics as such in any Veda. But all ancient mathematics is being called 'Vedic mathematics' for the sake of convenience. Here is a country that developed the concepts of zero, the decimal system and much else besides. All that the NCERT document says is that "the students may be encouraged to enhance their computational skills by the use of Vedic mathematics". Why should anyone object to that? After all, education is a concurrent subject in the Constitution and states can take a different line on educational matters. The West Bengal government had rejected the National Policy of Education developed in the Eighties; and, for years, they had refused to have any Navodaya School. (NCERT decisions are recommendatory and not mandatory. NCERT books are optional, not compulsory.) That being so, why should anybody object to anybody else exploring ancient sciences? The same with astrology. Here is a subject difficult to believe and even more difficult to disbelieve. There are people who go to the ridiculous length of being guided in everything by the stars. (In Tamil Nadu, everything - including the courts - comes to a standstill during 'Rahu kaalam'.) But when we consider that the sun and the moon churn up whole oceans and cause tidal waves, one begins to wonder whether they would not have some influence on life on earth. Life is full of uncertainties. Man has always wanted - and tried - to know the future. From Alexander to Napoleon to Ronald Reagan, leaders have consulted astrologers and soothsayers. As Shakespeare put it in the mouth of Hamlet, "There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio, than are dreamt of in your (secular and scientific) philosophy." Even Motilal Nehru used to show his son's horoscope to pandits. Decades ago, I used to see a pandit, complete with tilak and turban and even an artificial beard sitting on the footpath, predicting things for passersby. In the evening, he would wrap up his beard and things and go home. Would it not be better to have regular courses in astrology so that bogus astrologers do not bring a bad name to astrology? The UGC has suggested astrology as a "discipline which lets us know the events happening in human life and in the universe on time scale". On a lighter note, astrology can, perhaps, earn us more employment and money in the West than information technology. We teach meteorology. How accurate is it? Is it any more accurate than astrology? The other day, a noted scientist working with the World Seismic Safety Initiative, predicted that "one lakh people might lose their lives" in an earthquake in Delhi. He did not say when. We teach seismology; but is seismology more accurate than astrology? The astrologers at least tell you nice things; seismologists etc. tell you only about impending tragedies. A third whipping boy of our secular friends is Sanskrit. Sanskrit, they say, is dead. All right, but why then do they worry about something that is dead? They fear that Sanskrit is very much alive in itself and through other Indian and European languages. Why, even Nehru said: "If I was asked what is the greatest treasure which India possesses and what is her greatest heritage, I would answer unhesitatingly that it is the Sanskrit language and literature and all that it contains. This is a magnificent inheritance, and so long as this endures and influences the life of our people, so long will the basic genius of India continue." Even Dr Ambedkar was all for Sanskrit. In September 1949, along with B.V. Keskar, T.T.K. Durgabai, Naziruddin and other MPs, he gave notice of an amendment to the Draft Constitution which read: "Official language of the Union shall be Sanskrit." How it did not materialise is another story. Recently, the Supreme Court upheld the primacy of Sanskrit. It held that "in view of the importance of Sanskrit for nurturing our cultural heritage, making of Sanskrit alone as an elective subject, while not conceding this status to Arabic and/or Persian, would not in any way militate against the basic tenet of secularism," (Justices Kuldip Singh and Hansaria, October 4, 1994). The real fear of these friends is that this HRD programme will revive and strengthen Indian culture. They have little understanding and no appreciation of this culture. But culture - which includes religion - is the soul of a nation. And every nation must protect and promote its culture. That is what value education is all about. Life for mankind, said Freud, is hard to endure. It is religion that humanises nature and with that "much is already won". Religion is an inescapable part of being human. Life is un-navigable without the mast, sail and flag of religion. Some people think that science, technology and computers are everything. They are not. Jerry Mander rightly warns that "all technologies should be presumed to be guilty until proved innocent". He points out (In the Absence of the Sacred) that millions of gallons of carcinogenic computers seep into the soil and water and poison them. Thanks to chemicalised foods and carcinogenic computers, today 30 per cent of American males are infertile; 30 years ago it was only half a per cent (Miracles Do Happen by Normal Shealy). In this bewildering situation of a "holiness gap" only belief in god can strengthen man. As Davis Kingsley puts it, "Religion gives the individual a sense of identity with the distant past and the limitless future. It expands his ego by making his spirit significant for the universe and the universe significant for him." Even science is rooted in spirituality. Isaac Newton invented calculus and developed his theory of gravity at the age of 23, during the plague ridden years of 1655 and 1666. Columbia University historian Lynn Thorndyke compared Newton's method of discovery to "that of a medium coming out of a trance". Lord Maynard Kenyes, speaking at the tercentenary of Newton in 1947, said, "His deepest instincts were occult, esoteric, semanticÖ with a profound shrinking from the world." Einstein was a school drop-out who worked in a patent office because no university would have him. And yet, in an inexplicable burst of genius which can only be described as supra-mental, he suddenly produced in one year, 1905, six papers that created the theory of relativity and quantum physics. Edison held over one thousand patents including that of the electric bulb, phonograph and motions-picture projector. The Search magazine wrote that "much of what he put down on paper originated from a higher source, and that he was simply a vehicle or channel through which this information could flow freely". This is not the first time that our secular friends have objected to the BJP approach to education policy. A few years back, they had objected to some improvements in school history texts in UP and MP. A fitting reply came from N.J. Nanporia, veteran journalist: "The BJP is striving to do in the states it rules what the nation as a whole should have done immediately after IndependenceÖ Only a well-defined sense of national identity can provide the kind of vitality and motivation a nation needsÖ In calling for a national ideology, the BJP has struck the right note. "India is an ancient civilisation that wrested a sense of nationalism in response to the British. It has yet to discover an ideology of its own. And that is not something a computer can do for us." I say, Amen. |