So, after a thorough analysis of the history of the struggles of this party, namely the Communist Party of India, right from its very inception, its method of conduct and outlook governing all these struggles, its strategy and tactics of revolution formulated on different occasions, its analysis of the fundamental political situation of the country as also the characterization of the Indian state and, above all, the ethical-cultural standard reflected by its leaders and cadres in their day-to-day behaviour and outlook in every aspect of life, to which I will come back again for detailed observation, and being fully convinced that notwithstanding its 'communist' signboard it is no better than a petty bourgeois party, we built up our party, the Socialist Unity Centre of India, as a genuine Marxist-Leninist party of the Indian proletariat. Because, as Marxists, we know that a political party is not a mere conglomeration of some individuals and that in a class-divided society any political party is nothing but the political organization of one class or another. In other words, at a particular historical stage of development of production, a political party is the political instrument of a particular class among those classes which exist in that given society, to fulfil the economic, political, ideological and moral aspirations of that particular class. Hence, to a Marxist, a political party means a class party that grows and develops on a definite class methodological approach to problems, which the leaders and cadres of the party may be conscious of or may not be, but, nonetheless, this particular class outlook and methodological approach are bound to influence and guide not only the fundamental process of analysis of that party but also its cultural-ethical life including the day-to-day behaviour, habits and practices as also the ethical-cultural standard of the leaders and the rank and file of the party in all fields of activities.
In this context you should bear in mind another point, a very important point, that there can be one and only one Marxist-Leninist party, i.e. a genuine revolutionary working class party in a country. There cannot exist more than one revolutionary working class party in a country, and even if for various reasons two genuine working class parties develop separately, at two corners of a country, then because of their same outlook, same methodology and same objectives, they will surely unite some day and form a single party. Formation of a new party on communist ideals despite the existence of a party named communist can only be justified if, on the basis of dialectical reasoning and history, it is proved beyond doubt that in the name of defending the interest of the working class this party is in reality upholding the interest of the bourgeois or the petty bourgeois class. It goes without saying, therefore, that the eight or nine parties that are claiming themselves as Marxist-Leninists and clamouring as revolutionary working class parties in our country cannot be so all at a time. Naturally, two possibilities exist — either one or none of them is a genuine communist party. So, if there is a genuine working class party among these, we have to find it out with a correct analysis on the basis of history and science.
But if it is concluded through a scientific analysis that no genuine communist party has yet emerged in our country then those who genuinely stand for revolution and want to free themselves, the working class and the country as a whole from the prevailing economic exploitation, political persecution, social injustice and cultural degeneration can have no option but to come forward and shoulder the historic responsibility, however arduous, of building up a genuine communist party without which no revolutionary struggle can be built up and made victorious in this era, nor can the revolution be consolidated and eventually a classless communist society ushered in. So, for the emancipation of the oppressed masses of our country, for smashing the exploitative capitalist state machine that stands as the stumbling block to uninterrupted development and progress of our society we need revolution and for that revolution a revolutionary party, too. So, howsoever difficult the task may be owing to a thousand and one confusions created by the varieties of revolutionary theories of these parties, we have to find out the genuine revolutionary party.
Correct method of judging a revolutionary party
Now, what should be our approach to this most complicated question and what should be the yardstick of judging whether a party is a genuine communist party or not? Should we be carried away by the fiery speeches and 'revolutionary' vocabulary of these parties? In that case, there could be no way to ascertain which party is the genuine working class party because none of us lags behind others in the matter of revolutionary rhetoric! Lenin has taught us that there can be no revolution without a revolutionary theory and so without a revolutionary theory there cannot be any revolutionary party. But by revolutionary theory Lenin did not mean just the political programme and policies of a party, he actually meant a complete epistemological category developed by the central leadership of the party by dialectically coordinating the understanding and experiences of different branches of knowledge including science and covering all aspects of life.
So, to judge a party we will have to, first of all, analyze and examine its political theory. We shall have to ascertain whether the political theory of the party which claims to be revolutionary is truly revolutionary or not. In other words, we shall have to examine very carefully whether its political theory correctly reflects that objective process of revolution and its complexities which exist in the particular society. Secondly, whether that party has any independent analysis and stand of its own about the international situation, and if it has got any, whether the same is in conformity with Marxism. Thirdly, along with all these, we are to examine very carefully which class methodological approach guides this party in analyzing any event, any phenomenon and also in formulating its strategy and tactical plan and programme and its method of conducting struggles. Lastly, we have to see which class culture and what ethical standard the leaders and rank and file members of the party reflect in their life, day-to-day conduct, habits and practices in all spheres of their activities. We must not forget that if, in mutual relations and conduct of the leaders and the rank and file as also the relation between the party and the masses, dogmatism, blindness, indulgence in and platitude to unreasonable behaviour, impact of vile bourgeois habits, e.g. ego-centricism, vulgar individualism, lack of discipline in life, double-talks and such other vices are reflected, then we can reasonably conclude that this party is a victim of feudal and bourgeois culture and sense of values. Thus, it is clear that in judging the class character of a party not only the political theory of the party has to be tested on the anvil of Marxism-Leninism and dialectical materialism but in that light the methodological approach, outlook and culture that its leaders and members reflect in their day-to-day conduct, too, have got to be tested in order to come to a correct conclusion. Because, without acquiring the proletarian culture, which is much superior to and nobler than the bourgeois humanist culture, one can neither have the ability to grasp a revolutionary theory properly, nor apply it correctly. Those who are acquainted with the basic method of analysis applied by Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao Zedong would be able to appreciate our contention. In this connection, we should try to understand one more point very clearly. Both bookish knowledge of Marxism-Leninism divorced from practice, i.e. having no application in daily life, and experience derived merely from mass struggles and not correlated with theoretical understanding, which does not, therefore, add to the storehouse of Marxism-Leninism, are nothing but partial knowledge. Every Marxist should know that without coordinating theory with practice, dialectically and not mechanically, a complete and comprehensive knowledge of Marxism-Leninism cannot be acquired. So, remember that it is only by acquiring a higher cultural standard through struggles that one can attain an all-round and comprehensive knowledge of Marxism-Leninism by dialectically coordinating the partial knowledges and can develop the ability to make a critical examination of theories. We have to take into cognizance all these aspects in this complicated task of ascertaining the class character of a party. In this context, another important point cannot be lost sight of, too. We are to critically examine by what process and through what sort of struggle the party has come into being and what its concept of leadership is. Is it the same formal democratic concept as of a bourgeois or petty bourgeois party? Or is it the concept of collective leadership that develops through democratic centralism which is a fusion of proletarian democracy and centralism? What I mean to say is that the bourgeois revolution is a revolutionary transformation, on the basis of individual ownership, of productive forces, mode of production and the means of production and is, after all, a revolution to ensure development of the individual and establishment of individual rights. Therefore, even in the model bourgeois democracy, whatever model democratic form it may assume, it is the individual leadership that is bound to operate.
In such a bourgeois democratic form, the individual is the focal point, and naturally whether there is a conscious realization or not, it is the individual leadership that is bound to operate centring round one or more individuals. For this reason, as individual leadership is established in the name of democracy in bourgeois democracy, its character is nothing but formal. But as the object of socialist revolution is to establish social ownership and as it is a revolution to establish collective control over the means of production under the leadership of the proletariat, the concept of leadership in proletarian democracy is bound to be collective.
Why has the CPI(M) failed to develop as a genuine communist party
But the CPI(M) leaders avoided this preliminary process of party formation and the intense painstaking struggle through which alone a break could have been brought about with the non-working class methodology and revisionist line of thinking of the CPI, and organized most hastily their pompous and colourful 7th Congress (1964) in Calcutta and formed the party with some old leaders and groups having the same old CPI orientation and grown up in the CPI tradition, and by devising certain clever and subtle changes in the tactical approach of the old theory of the CPI passed it for a revolutionary theory. I had then pointed out that this party, too, would split in the near future. And now you see that within so short a span of three years, the Naxalite leaders and workers have come out of the CPI(M) branding it as neo-revisionist, and they are attempting to build up a new party. And I assert here, in this very meeting, that the same fate will befall the Naxalites.14 And I am sure you will see this come true hundred per cent within a year or two. How do I predict? Is it with the help of astrology? No, I say this, analysing three things.
Firstly, the class character, the process of thinking and the methodological approach of the party carry the tradition of the same old party.
The second is the wrong political theory of this party. You cannot develop a genuine revolutionary party of the working class without trying to understand scientifically the complex and objective process of revolution operating within the society; it cannot develop by blindly copying parties and their leaders abroad and by imposing utopian thinking in the name of a revolutionary theory on the objective conditions of the country, interspersing it with some occasional movements on the day-to-day problems of the people with pseudo-militant postures. As the theory of people's democratic revolution is not the objective reflection of the most complicated process of Indian revolution but is actually a utopia, superimposed in a subjective way on the objective conditions, this so-called revolutionary theory itself is giving birth to two opposite trends inside the party. Moving along the path of parliamentary politics, whenever some sort of stability is growing, a section of the party leaders are trying to arrest the party within the narrow confines of parliamentarism though, of course, with revolutionary vocabulary and catchwords. Another section within this party who have become thoroughly disgusted with the opportunism of the parliamentary politics and in whom there is an urge for revolution, because of the wrong methodology of the party and the wrong political formulation of people's democratic revolution which does in no way reflect the objective conditions, or in other words, because of the wrong political theory, are showing ultra-revolutionary trends or tendencies and untimely pushing the unprepared and unorganized forces of revolution before the repressions of the state machinery, thereby inflicting harm on the cause of revolution by objectively helping the coercive apparatus of the state to be tightened up.
Thirdly, the evil influence of individualism and existence of group mentality which are the characteristic features of the bourgeois and petty bourgeois parties and due to which the CPI was split, were inherent in the CPI(M) since its birth. Hence, so long as these groups are able to accommodate each other a patch-work unity will be maintained inside the party but it is sure to split, the moment this adjustment will fail. Similarly, so long as these three traits — this old non-working class thinking, influence of individualism and group mentality and this most subjective and utopian theory of people's democratic revolution imposed artificially on the objective reality — would remain inside the party they will give birth to two opposite tendencies leading to split and further split, each faction carrying inherently in it the same two opposite trends. One tendency will always be there to sink the party in parliamentarism and arrest it within the narrow confines of parliamentary politics, while the other would always try to step into extremism and adventurism. For this very reason, the CPI(M) also split as soon as it was formed. The same fate awaits the Naxalites if they form a party. Because, they are also going to form their party on the basis of a combination of groups, and their theory of revolution is the same old theory of people's democratic revolution as of the CPI(M). To them, formation of a new party always means combination of some other groups against some group or groups. Has it got any relevance to the question of building a revolutionary party of the proletariat? Is it anything else than forming a new party with the same political line, same methodological approach, same cultural standard with variations only in some political vocabulary and behaviour, i.e. in tactical approach?
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